Masters of Deceit
This article, although written before The Perestroika Deception was published, compliments that book and both together will help you to understand our present day better.1
"The United States will eventually fly the Communist Red Flag ... the American people will hoist it themselves." Khrushchev, June 19, 1962.
While most of the world is jumping on the Perestroika bandwagon, informed Soviet observers aren't holding their breath while waiting for the death throes of the "Evil Empire." According to one, the recent relaxation in the Communist regime is no more than what one Russian dissident termed "high-level Pokozuka" – fakery designed to deceive outsiders.
Skeptics need only to find the nearest library to be graphically informed, by the Marxists themselves, that Communism is bent on overthrowing the free world and, more importantly, that even though they had always threatened to accomplish this goal by force, their actual game plan was the use of infiltration, propaganda and deception, instead of physical attack. Three new books: New Lies For Old; None Dare Call It Treason, 25 Years Later and The Keys of This Blood: The Struggle for World Dominion Between Pope John Paul II, Mikhail Gorbachev & the Capitalist West are just a few of the many documented works available.
Massive Falsehood is Russia's No. 1 Weapon
"The favorite weapons of Communist conquest," says Deirdre Manifold in Fatima and the Great Conspiracy, "are not engines of mass destruction in the hands of uniformed soldiers. They are instead, propaganda, the slanted view of history, the preaching of hatred to incite civil disorder, the tactics of internal subversion, treason, blackmail, the smear, political assassination – all committed by soldiers who wear no uniform and who claim to be loyal citizens of the target country marked for takeover from within."
As early as 1931, Dimitry Z. Manuilsky clearly outlined this strategy in a speech given to the Lenin School of Political Warfare:
"War to the hilt between communism and capitalism is inevitable. Today, of course, we are not strong enough to attack. Our time will come in 20 to 30 years. To win we shall need the element of surprise. The bourgeoisie will have to be put to sleep. So we shall begin by launching the most spectacular peace movement on record. There will be electrifying overtures and unheard of concessions. The capitalistic countries, stupid and decadent, will rejoice to co-operate in their destruction. They will leap at another chance to be friends. As soon as their guard is down, we will smash them with our clenched fist."
"The victory of the world Communist revolution is assured," proclaimed Lenin at the First Congress of the Comintern in 1919. "First, we will take eastern Europe, then the masses of Asia, then we will encircle the United States which will be the last bastion of capitalism. We will not have to attack. It will fall like an overripe fruit into our hands."
If, however, America did not succumb without a fight, the new Soviet Czar made it clear that he had no qualms about ravaging the West. "We are not pacifists," he trumpeted. "What does it matter if three-quarters of the world perish, if the remaining one-quarter is Communist."
Lenin based the Soviet Constitution on the principle of power that knows no bounds - moral, political, even physical. This "power without limit," he asserted in 1920, rests "directly upon force" and is "restrained by no laws, [and] absolutely unrestricted by rules."
"None of us wishes to be or can be right against the Party," Leon Trotsky insisted in 1924. "In the last instance the Party is always right."
All Leninists, Communists, Come from Same Mold
By definition, all Communist Party members must adhere to this hard-line ideology. To assure such fealty, every Soviet citizen is indoctrinated into conformity. So thorough is this brainwashing that even after being exiled from Russia by his own comrades, Menshevik, Grigori Pyatakov, lamented, "There can be no life for me outside the ranks of the Party, and I would be ready to believe that black was white, and white was black, if the Party required it. In order to become one with the great Party I would fuse myself with it, abandon my own personality, so that there was no particle left inside me which was not at one with the Party, did not belong to it."
Now here comes Mikhail Gorbachev, poured from the same hard-line mold, proclaiming that the Soviet Union is no longer a threat. He has charmed the West, but behind the smiling face, the Soviets say, is an iron jaw. And why not? He has been conditioned by the same ideology that has shaped every Soviet leader since Lenin and has the same qualifications. More so – he was the protégé of former Soviet President, Yuri Andropov, who as KGB chief, hand-picked him to be his successor. Despite outward appearances of a shaky command, since assuming power in 1985, Gorbachev has consolidated his power and strengthened his hand. This wolf with the iron jaw is only wearing lamb's clothing. He has no democratic capitalist heart underneath his wool costume. While beguiling the world with his overtures of peace and good will, he is sharpening his teeth for the final kill.
Media Calls Stalin "Uncle Joe", During Previous Detente
The American government, proceeding cautiously, says trust and verify. But how much can be verified in a closed society? While Stalin was being called "Uncle Joe" by his American friends, this most brutal monster the world has ever known was murdering 50 million of his own people.
Communist leaders themselves, however, don't underestimate the destructive power trust can bestow. Speaking of Stalin, Nikolai Bukharin, leader of the Paris Mensheviks, warned in 1936 that because they trusted him, " ... we are all putting our heads in his mouth, knowing that he will probably eat us up. He knows this quite well and is just biding his time."
Gorby is Still a Leninist and is Like Stalin
Gorbachev, like Stalin, is no less a total Communist than any of his predecessors. He is not retreating from the Soviet goal of world domination, but only advancing in a different direction. To erase any doubt as to Gorbachev's fidelity – in November of 1989, he told the CPSU, "I am a Leninist, devoted to achieving the goals of Leninism and the worldwide Leninist association of all workers under the banner of Marxism." In a speech he gave in 1987 on the 70th anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution, he confirmed his allegiance to the Communist design: "In October, 1917, we parted with the old world, rejecting it once and for all. We are moving toward a new world, a world of Communism. We shall never turn off that road."
Lenin Calls for "Peace"
In Perestroika: The Revolution Continues, Gorbachev even explains Lenin's earlier Glasnost:
Lenin kept calling for peace because he was guided by vital, not immediate interests of the working class as a whole, of the Revolution, and of the future of Socialism ... he was looking far ahead ... he did not put what was transitory above what was essential ... Later, it was easy to say confidently and unambiguously that Lenin was right ... The Revolution was saved.
In his new book about the conflict between Communism and the West vis-р-vis the Church, The Keys of This Blood: The Struggle for World Dominion Between Pope John Paul II, Mikhail Gorbachev & the Capitalist West, Malachi Martin thoroughly explains the current Communist concessions in the light of Gorbachev's embrace of the modus operandi of early Party strategist, Antonio Gramsci. Martin writes:
"John Paul's observation to French journalist and writer André Froissard, although it anticipated by two years the surprising events of autumn and winter 1989, indicated how penetratingly he had understood the Soviet chairman's position vis-à-vis the West and to what lengths Gorbachev would have to go in order finally to elicit from his Western contemporaries the type of co-operation and collaboration that was needed if his reformed and renewed Leninist Marxism was to get the Party-State over the top of the biggest hurdle in its path since November 1917. 'The Soviet leader must change the way the [Soviet] system works, without changing that system,' the Pontiff remarked to Froissard."
Hiding Monster Image While Keeping the Reality
In spite of all Gorbachev brought about in the Eastern satellites and the USSR by the end of November 1989, there remained that fundamental difficulty for the mind of the West: the Soviet system. The fright and apprehension it had engendered and generously fed for over seventy years was a fire that burned in the Western mind. The most impressive expression of that fright and apprehension was composed and published by an anonymous "Z" in autumn of 1989. "Z" was quite frank and forthright: No matter that the Soviet leader is making his socialist system more humane, and no matter even that by some political sleight of hand he apparently replaces it with a market economy – and even with the trappings of a Western democracy. No matter, asserted "Z"; the brutal fact is that the Party-State remains intact. It is the monster.
Mounting intelligence reports confirm that regardless of the concessions being announced, that monster is still pressing forward. Despite the feigned appearances of a split in the party, the KGB, army and police are still totally in Communist hands. The Soviet economy, far from collapsing, is in better shape than it has ever been. Industrial production, albeit at the expense of consumer goods, is rapidly catching up with the United States and armament production has far surpassed it. In fact, sophisticated military equipment is currently in stepped-up production. (Proposed armament cutbacks are, for the most part, the withdrawing of outdated weapons scheduled for replacement in a ploy to defraud the West into unilateral disarmament.) Furthermore, Evans and Novak, in their May 10, 1989 syndicated column, reported that a defense white paper published May 2, 1989 "charges Gorbachev's military establishment with hiding production of vastly higher amounts of biological and chemical weapons than admitted, behind a curtain of secrecy and evasiveness." Such evidence, they conclude, casts "serious doubt over Gorbachev's professions to be the world's peacemaker."
The Peace Movement, orchestrated and tightly controlled by Moscow, says Deirdre Manifold, is an important part of the Communist war being waged on us.
Terrorism: Summer 1996. 19 Americans were killed, 250 wounded in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia in the June 25th explosion of more than 20,000 lbs. of TNT in a truck bomb. The blast left a 35 foot deep by 85 foot wide crater. Clearly warfare is coming closer to home as there is no peace in the world with 110 armed conflicts presently raging in the world.
What Russia Means by "Peace"
MIR, the Russian word for peace, sums up the stakes of the game. It is also the Russian word for world, and the similarity goes much farther than that of an English homonym. To a Communist, "peace" is only a time to achieve what cannot be won by hostility in the struggle for world conquest – a time of "coexistence with other nations until we are strong enough to take over by world revolution," as Lenin put it.
"The Soviets are achieving with détente," Leonid Brezhnev told the European Communist leaders in 1973, "what our predecessors have been unable to achieve with the clenched iron fist."
Détente: the Soviets obviously have a much better grasp of the term than does its American competitors. Webster's defines "détente" as a relaxation of hostility or tensions between nations. In the original French, however, la détente meant 'the trigger of a gun' probably the last thing we Americans would associate with peace. Still, it's not hard to see how the term evolved. Defeating an enemy by force is indisputably the most effective way to alleviate the threat of future war. Today, on the other hand, for the West, détente has effectively become synonymous with disarmament. Nevertheless, both result in the same end: surrender to tyrants. Unfortunately, now that the spirit of détente has erupted into an unbridled euphoria, it may be too late to keep the bullet from lodging in our own foot.
1. If you want a free, extensive book review of "The Perestroika Deception" by Anatoliy Golitsyn, as reviewed by Cornelia Ferreira, send $1.00 for postage and handling to The Fatima Crusader; or download "Communism Alive and Menacing KGB Defector Claims" free from our web site http://www.fatima.org/essentials/whatucando/communismalive.asp.